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Plato’s Gorgias BH, pp. 115-130


Submitted by longaker on Fri, 10/12/2007 - 9:54am.

At the beginning of his discussion with Callicles (pp. 115-117), Socrates accuses Callicles of equivocating (changing the definitions of his core terms in mid-argument without signaling that change. Equivocation is among the fallacies that Aristotle mentions in the Rhetoric, though not one included in your selection). Socrates insists that Callicles settle into a definition before they proceed, as this is part of Socratic elenchus: establishing a firm point of agreement for departure. The assumption, of course, is that the most basic definitions will be agreed upon, and we can build up, syllogistically, from these established agreements. Apply this to a real-world example. Take a disagreement that is common today (Should we support caps on pain-and-suffering lawsuits against doctors? Should we favor civil unions or gay marriage? How do we get out of Iraq?) What are the core disagreements? What basic definitions would everyone accept? How can you build up from these basic definitions?

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Submitted by juli gonzalez on Thu, 11/15/2007 - 5:07pm.

The great debate between pro life and pro choice advocates is always in the news. There is a basic disagreement on when life starts. Does it start at conception? quickening? Pro life advocates see abortion as murder. Which brings up another question of does abortion constitute murder? It is difficult to establish these basic definitions which is why abortion is still a heated subject.

Submitted by Chris Edwards on Mon, 10/15/2007 - 7:23am.

Here's an interesting topic (sorry, I have been away all weekend and just have time for posting now) that I don't think anyone's really sat down to think about: The Internet.

We can see in the most general terms two sides of the fence. The internet savy - generally the younger generations who were born with it - and the technologically fearful/ignorant.

There's a lot of disagreement over what the internet actually is. We can all agree it's a method to move a lot of data around all over the world, but many don't understand where the information might be stored and the consequences of viewing that. A good example of this is our recent failure with the Al-queda internet server leak. We had a secret direct backdoor connection with an Al-queda site, which was investigated by a private company. When they informed the whitehouse, the information was leaked and suddenly everyone and their mom were accessing the site through the hole, which was promptly shut down.

Why does this happen? I think it's because people don't understand how the internet work. If we had set up a secure server and just cached the site here in america, everyone could have downloaded from here with no problem. Instead, we lost a valuable resource (again which I think people don't realize because they don't know what the internet is).

So, I believe it is necessary to look at and figure out what exactly the internet is, or at least what happens when one accesses it. We can accept that it is a method of information transfer. We then have to determine how exactly does the information get around? It would then have to be accepted that the information is stored on computer servers that can be located anywhere (the locations can be found through IP) and can also be viewed by the owners of those servers. So, if we log into that Al-queda site, the owner can see what we are doing there (assuming we come in en-masse). The information we can gather can be extremely important, and so must be treated the same way that confidential reports would be.

This may be less of an elenchus and more of a learning course, because I think the arguments are based on both ignorance and conflicting views. At the same time I think we need to prove to some people that technology and the data we store in that technology is very important in today's world, and not some kind of non-essential new fangled computer thingy.

Submitted by onholliday on Mon, 10/15/2007 - 7:01am.

As a member of the so-called "queer" community, I've spent a lot of time thinking about the gay marriage/civil unions issue, so I'll (predictably) be using that example.

The core disagreement here is that the queer community wants rights, which we have put in terms of "marriage," and the right-wing conservatives (and many moderates) feel this is an encroachment on the tradition of marriage, which theoretically should be between a man and a woman.

Now, many people believe this debate begins with our disagreement over what marriage means. I agree - but I believe marriage means different things to different people, specifically secular people and religious people, and even among the latter, people of different denominations or belief systems. Because we as a country certainly do not want to start down the road of telling someone their religion is flat-out wrong, we run into this issue: marriage is not a secular institution. At its roots, it belongs to the church and to the synagogue and to the mosque: in short, it does not belong to the federal or state government. My definition of marriage is this: a religious institution which has been improperly imposed upon political and legal issues.

From there, I can say I am one of the only queer people I know who does not champion gay marriage. I don't champion straight marriage, either - not in the legal sense. Definitionally, as a country built on a respect for different belief systems (theoretically, anyway) and a separation of church and state, we can only champion civil unions. Civil unions for everyone. Leave the religious institutions to decide who gets married - frankly, that's not the point. The point is that everyone be protected from discrimination under the laws of this country, as it's supposed to be, and that separate is never equal.

So my vote is this: truly enact our great separation of church and state with the discarding of legal marriages and the instatement of universal civil unions. This way, we don't risk asking religious institutions to change their core belief systems, whether I agree with them or not - because, honestly, they have every right to believe and practice what they do. I disagree with Niki's idea of redefining marriage. I find it counterproductive to moving towards a system of government which provides equal protection under its laws to say that a religion should change its doctrines because of what I believe, just as I find it counterproductive to say that I should have my civil liberties infringed upon because of someone else's religious doctrines. Perhaps this is a continuation of Saba's post.

I believe everyone can accept a definition of "civil union" as "a union that unites two people under the legal rights and protections which have previously been assigned to a legal marriage, but that implies none of the spiritual or religious implications." That's not to say there aren't spiritual implications for queer and straight couples alike, but this way, these are left where they belong - in the practices of the individual or the institution.

Perhaps too political. I'm too political.

Submitted by meximaya on Mon, 10/15/2007 - 8:18am.

I agree with most all of what you have said, as marriage is a primarily religious institution and not one developed by our government.

So what can all (or most) Americans agree upon in this issue? Even the most intolerant bible-thumper will still agree in the principles of freedom and justice, and equal rights for all that this country was founded on. Everyone who is a citizen of this country must have their rights secured, and no specific population should have theirs suppressed due to other beliefs.

Abridged, Americans can agree that all American citizens have equal protection under the law. The law should adapt to its "queer" population by making sure that they are granted the same rights under the law as everyone else, because they are citizens of the country.

Marriage has has different meanings in other societies, but has most often involved the subjugation and treatment of the woman as the chattel of the man. Marriages were often arranged to increase family power and wealth, and to win the favor of other families. In many cultures, the institution of marriage that we tend to think of based on mutual love and respect is completely devoid of love and respect for the woman (and man at times).

However, American society has since risen above many of these practices, and contemporary American life is based upon a definition of marriage that is love-based. The law is in place by the people and for the people, and it is in the process of adapting, despite the initial, predictable conservative backlash.

I can't agree with Kirsten more when she says that civil unions should be embraced, and marriage should be left up to the individuals' religious institutions. The government should recognize and ensure the equal freedoms to all citizens- queer and straight couples alike should be granted civil unions upon making a mutual commitment recognized under law. Attaining these civil unions should be no more religious than applying for a driver's license.

This will not affect religion and custom...if a church refuses to marry a gay couple because it is against the church's principles, then that is not a problem of the state, though I pity the religious queer couple that feels that they are pariahs of their own religion. However, new religions start up all the time, and revisions to old ones are everlasting.

Submitted by ssyed on Sun, 10/14/2007 - 10:05pm.

Socrates elenchus may lead to a stalmate between the two parties discussing gay marriage just as Niki suggested. On the other hand, Socrates method may be able to discover the implicit asssumptions of each side. Just as Socrates caught Callicles confusing a better leader as a wise leader or a manly leader, this method may help pin down the arguments of each side and prevent "moving targets" so to speak. So what happens if we use this method? We may find out that marriage is a concept that is rooted in religion and we will need to find out if the government can adopt marriage as its own institution. I think this is a necessary step because there doesn't seem to be a clear line between religion and government so the definitions each institution provides seem to blur together. From that point, we can discuss the points Niki suggests such as agreeing on what concepts define a marriage and what are intrinisic to its existence. This may not lead to any agreements, but it may shed more light on the disagreements and make them more coherent.

Submitted by JoMando on Tue, 10/16/2007 - 10:16am.

I also agree that Socrates' elenchus could lead to a "stalemate" between two parties debating different sides of the issue of gay marriage, or any issue for that matter. But we shouldn't then dismiss Socrates' method as futile in the event that a resolution is never reached. Rather, we should consider what Saba says, that we may be able to at least discover the implicit assumptions of each side. We may never reach an agreement on something, but at least we can see why we stand where we stand--that is we'll see the disagreements more clearly and perhaps be swayed that way. This is like the search for truth. We may never discover the ultimate truth, but that doesn't mean we don't search for it. We strive to find it, and in such a way are virtuous.

Submitted by csbowman on Mon, 10/15/2007 - 8:24am.

I agree that Socrates' method can discover the implicit assumptions of each side and I even think that both sides could even agree on definitions if it weren't for their implications. I think what's really the problem in moving forward in this debate is whether we can agree on if "the government can adopt marriage as its own institution". I don't think definitions of marriage/civil unions would be helpful (or even reachable) if we can't agree to what extent our government and religious institutions are or ought to be combined.

Submitted by Nhuy Do on Mon, 10/15/2007 - 8:42am.

I agree that the boundaries of government involvement in religious instituations and vice versa must be defined before definitions of marriage or civil unions are attainable. It seems that if we are to maintain that religion is the right of the individual than gay marriage should not be an issue. Essentially it is up to the individual to uphold their actions to their religious beliefs. I mean, how many divorced catholics are there out there?

Submitted by tmdesou on Mon, 10/15/2007 - 11:12am.

I also agree, as again I think this once again showcases the importance of framing the issue. The frame in which the argument is conducted seems to have so much sway in the application of a given definition - political parties and issue ownership comes to mind.

Submitted by NikiZD on Sun, 10/14/2007 - 7:35pm.

In the first place, I would like to question the success of using Socrates' manner of argument in common-day situations. Even for Socrates the assumption that building syllogistically up from the most basic definitions will lead to common understanding only goes so far. Take, for example, Callicles' eventual frustration with Socrates' methods: "Let me tell you , Socrates, all the time that I have been listening to you and yielding your agreement, I have been remarking the puerile delight with which you cling to any concession one may make to you, even in jest" (p. 121). Add into the mix the famously short attention spans and fuses of today's "talking heads" and many political leaders, and the results could be less than useful.

However, assuming a small, simple debate between two well-educated people:

In applying this to a real-world example I'm going to choose gay marriage/civil unions, because I think the war in Iraq will be more than covered by most of my classmates. In the debate over whether we should we favor civil unions or gay marriage, the core disagreements are the right-/wrongness of homosexuality, and the proper place of marriage (completely religious marriage-in-a-church vs. acceptability of government-approved wedding by the justice of the peace).

The debate would likely have to start with a definition of the term marriage. If it were possible to get both parties to agree on a definition that included the phrase "bound by love and long-term committment" and not "defined by the Bible as being between a man and a woman," an argument leading towards the acceptance and preference of gay marriage would be much easier to produce -- the next question would be "are same-sex couples people, capable of feeling love and engaging in long-term committment?" This would also be the next question even if a suitable definition of marriage could not be produced; the answer would still need to be "yes" to create an argument for the suitability of civil unions.

Submitted by tlh456 on Mon, 10/15/2007 - 7:08am.

I really like the example that NikiZD used above. She is tying in Socrates's method of dialogue and how Socrates asks specific questions and then refuses to continue his dialogue until he has a consensus about the issue being discussed. She gives an example of what the term marriage is and then how one can continue to ask questions that manipulate the listener into agreeing (without giving them much time to really think about what they are agreeing to).

Submitted by sageff96 on Sun, 10/14/2007 - 6:16pm.

The first definition that would need to be established is war. One definition that could be offered is that war is organized, systematic violence by the military of one nation-state against another, legitimized by the government of a nation that receives its legitimacy from its citizens. For contrast, rival gangs do not war. They conduct business by way of force in the absence of both moral opinion and an obligation to stability and peace. We are talking about the United States of America and Iraq being at war. Both are sovereign nations. The burden of proof, the evidence of legitimacy, lies with the aggressor. Therefore, the U.S. is responsible for proving that the war they started was necessary, reports of Saddam Hussein's fourth-rate military planning an invasion of the U.S. by way of their non-existent Navy notwithstanding. Should anybody feel that this is just more liberal claptrap, I welcome anybody to offer a definition of war that subsumes our reasons for invading Iraq while also keeping in mind the reasons that governments have institutions like the Pentagon, where wars are planned years in advance. The next necessary definition would have to be legitimate. In order for people to agree on this term would be much more time-consuming, considering that some people (hawks/conservatives/lovers of democracy) do not seem to believe that war requires as much legitimacy as do other people (doves/liberals/Honda drivers). Another required definition is purpose; or, to be less abstract, indicators of success in the War on Terror. Or the War for Freedom. Or the War for Propagation of Democracy. Or the war against Tyranny and WMD's. Or the War to End All Wars. The Last Good War. So, we can see how difficult it would be to establish a clear departure point for this discussion about the Iraq War. The "Fog of War" isn't meant to convey only the confusion that occurs in a firefight; it also applies to the qualifiers and definitions of the events, values, and histories that sometimes culminates in the executive branch of a government of a sovereign nation deciding to amass a nation's resources with the goal of destroying, and then possibly rebuilding, another nation.

Necessary definitions:
1. War
2. Legitimate
3. Indicators of success

These definitions may be best viewed, in the interest of coming closer to truth, as the little things that must first be understood before we are to know great things; in this case, the great being whether or not the war in Iraq was necessary, and how do we get out (I have emphasized the origins of the war over the eventual withdrawal because the debate right now is still focused on the origins; which, until clearly defined, will result in a continued military presence in justification of the initial, and continually shifting, reasons for invasion). Our country is suffering fiscally, domestically, and internationally as a result of the invasion of Iraq. This administration has shown its adeptness at equivocating the reasons for this war. The result has been a citizenry in absolute confusion as to the past, present, or future situation in the Middle East. This confusion/ignorance is apparent in the silence we meet the rumors of another war with. By ingeniously changing the core terms of their argument for war, the country has not been able to engage the administration nor Congress in any type of extended elenchus, all but precluding the possibility of a "firm point of agreement for departure." The extent to which mass media can be blamed for this is debatable. Were the three above terms to be defined, the people of this nation would be more well-equipped to come to decisions about the utility and justifiability of military force without help from Cheney and Rice sketching Doomsday designs in the form of a smoking gun. The building up of these definitions would achieve nothing less than a healthier democracy. As to how one goes about initiating the construction of these definitions would require a definition of our nation that I'm not comfortable thinking about without a drink in my hand (Hint: define sacrifice, and see where it takes you. Apply to America.).

I would tell Andy that we already had several "hard" military installations in the Middle East prior to invading Iraq (Yemen, Qatar, and Kuwait). These, in addition to a very significant presence at Incirlik, Turkey, where airstrikes had been being conducted into Iraq well into Clinton's second term.

I would tell Bobby to keep his views quiet lest he invite Alex Jones/Ron Paul comparisons.

I would tell Cathy that we have alot of wars to fight if our goal is the blanketing of the planet with democracy. We're coming for you Myanmar!!!

I would tell Debbie that things are much worse RIGHT NOW (Shhh... did you hear that? Another civilian shot by a Blackwater "contractor.") than before we went in. I would also ask her to define term three.

I would find a way to expose Eddie to massive amounts of radiation to ensure that his potential for reproduction is as impotent as his thought process. Then, I would politely ask if we could change the radio station from the Hannity show to something more intelligible and useful, like the Hungarian knitting hour, live from Budapest.

Submitted by heath on Sun, 10/14/2007 - 8:40pm.

So trying to set up a conversation with imaginary people maybe was not the best choice, especially with my ignorance of the subject. So ignore the bad imaginaries.

I think the 3 definitions we want should be reduced to 2:

1. legitimate war
2. indicators of success

2., depends on what we invaded Iraq for. If it was to disarm Iraq of any WMDs or WMD programs and dethrone Sadaam: mission accomplished. Right? So, what are we still doing there? Is it an ethical issue? Things may be much worse for the Iraqis now before we went in, but that's not the question at issue if we are asking how we should leave. Will things be much worse than they are now for those people if we do some sorts of withdraws as opposed to others?

1. 'What constitutes a legitimate war?' is a good question.
But with 'war' being "organized, systematic violence by the military of one nation-state against another" it seems like we are no longer in a war at all. Which brings up other questions:

What are we doing? If we are trying to make remedy for a mistake, or reduce the ramification of bad consequences, the indicators of success will be very different. Is this the case? What might be some indicators of success if it is? If this is not what we are doing, then what are we doing?

Submitted by sageff96 on Sun, 10/14/2007 - 9:55pm.

I wanted to distinguish between war and legitimacy because I think there is a sizeable portion of the population that does not really understand war as it is fought today; in that if there are no demarcated front lines and trenches and bad guys in uniforms of a different color than ours, then we are not at war. I thought that emphasizing a definition of war would introduce some seriousness to a topic that many are apathetic toward. But you're absolutely correct in saying that for the purposes of this discussion board elenchus, no singular definition of war would be necessary.

I don't think that we (DoD, prez, vprez, congress) really know what we are doing, either in the immediate context of Iraq, or as regards the broader subject of our collision with a radically different civilization. This collision was made inevitable by the demands exerted upon resources by industrialized, consumer-based societies. Obviously, the best indicator of success would be significant cessation of insurgent activity, followed by an inclusive, stable, Iraqi-run central government. I don't think that we are trying to make remedy for a mistake for the simple reason that geo-politics will not allow it: once you start a war, it's not going away. It's not like an embargo that can suddenly be lifted. Even if we withdraw and end the occupation, cousins of brothers and fathers of daughters that have been killed or maimed during combat operations will be out to collect their blood debt for many generations. Some are saying that an indicator of success has been the substantial decline in violence in Baghdad following the surge; others would say this is just the insurgency biding its time as it adapts to a changing battlefield. Many more are saying that these two events: 1) the Marine Corps expressing a strategic interest in withdrawing all of its combat infantry from Iraq to pursue the enemy in Afghanistan, and 2) the British downsizing its force in Basra to only 2,500, as being indicative of how even military brass see the war in Iraq as being less-than-winnable.

It's complicated.

Submitted by heath on Sat, 10/13/2007 - 9:56pm.

I should first apologize for what follows. I am apolitical - ignorant - the ancient Greco/Romans would say. My great plan was to wait for the other discussion leader to make a post on some current issue and then play off that... but I'm the only dl. That having been made:

Let our nation’s presence in Iraq be the issue of debate. I list the five members of the ‘Open Minded Iraq Club’ with some premises about what we are doing in Iraq that they each bring (and, being open minded, are willing to change) to their first and only meeting. Their purpose is to argue for understanding of what course(s) of action would be good (or right, or laudable, or most effective, etc.) for our country to take now. I don’t mean this to be a complete or accurate representation of views on the subject, but if I have neglected key view(s) that would shed light on the issue, either add the view(s) to some present member, or: Freddy, Gabby, Harry, etc., would of course be welcome at this meeting of open minds.

First- these five members share the common premises that Sadaam was a bad guy and that for all we knew at the time, he could have had WMDs or again could have been trying to get them.

Andy: U.S. has been staying to secure a more firm military foothold in/launchpad from the M.E.

Bobby: We have been maintaining our presence so that U.S. companies can make money building infrastructure, and to secure better oil prices.

Cathy: Democratic government is now almost universal, Iraq was one of the few holdouts. we are still there to ensure that a democratic government takes firm root.

Debbie: Sadaam’s government kept groups that hate each other in a state of mutual toleration. If we leave pull out presently, the new government will crumble and things will be much worse than before we went in.

Eddie: We went into Iraq to fight terror. We are currently fighting terror.

Before these members engage in elenchus to find each other’s background premises, what are some words that could equivocate in such away that some people talk past each other ? After they break down to premises: What are some possible disagreements at the definitional level? What definitions might which people agree on? With everyone being open-minded, is it possible that some disagreements might still be incommensurable? What agreements can be reached? Which course(s) of action for the U.S. to take would most (if not all) of our members support?